Boris Johnson is the conservative candidate most likely to become Theresa May's successor. But if I could make a wish, I would choose to bike to number 10 Downing Street once the EU withdrawal agreement had been approved in Parliament. It would be much easier for him then to blame all the consequences and costs of Brexit on a government from which he chose to leave. A different issue is whether he would be able to unite his party, because he would move it to the right to compete with the English nationalists of Nigel Farage. Johnson, however, is a popular leader, made to succeed in a context of hyper-democracy, as described by José Ortega y Gasset in "The Rebellion of the Masses": the opinion of experts and representative democracy are bordered by desires the most uncouth and unthinking of the crowd. The former mayor of London and foreign minister continues to believe that breaking with the EU offers many opportunities to his country, against all economic and geostrategic evidence. It rejects a second referendum on Brexit because it would encourage Scotland to become independent, just the opposite of what the nationalists say in Edinburgh. The facts and data do not prevent him from saying the antithetical with completeness. Even so, he clearly sees the monumental disarray he would inherit if May fails in early June in his fourth and final attempt to approve the withdrawal agreement. The prime minister does not give up her efforts and will make concessions to the Labor Party until the final minute. Jeremy Corbyn collaborates as he can to end the Brexit with a bad agreement, given his anti-Europeanism, although he feels threatened by half of his deputies, supporters of a second referendum and permanence.
If Boris comes to power with his country still within the Union, the exit period of October 31 will not be enough and a new extension will be proposed. In this scenario, the new prime minister, always aware of the conversations in the pubs, will be able to propose anything, including a pro-European turn.