It is not hard to understand why Imran Khan's overwhelming victory in the Pakistani elections attracted media coverage worldwide. The story of a teasing hero and former playboy political superstar and scourge of the establishment that made him famous was too good to miss.
In the face of the Pakistani history of the military coup, Khan's rise to power appeared like a modern parable, the prediction of human triumph over the darkly dressed, sung-state forces of military control, manipulation, and repression.
Bewildering, although this story is so, it did not really happen that way. In fact, Khan owed his success, at least in part, to the hidden interference of the same shadowy spies and generals, according to EU election observers. But who and what governs Pakistan is still of great international importance. Take the woman suffrage. Same voting rights are missing in some Muslim countries. But Pakistan, where 44% of eligible voters are women, has made extraordinary progress. Veiled female residents of conservative tribal areas such as South Waziristan made history last Wednesday when they cast their vote for the first time.
Pakistan is important because with its youthful population of more than 200 million (66% are under 30) it is a country of great potential, hampered by endemic poverty, illiteracy and inequality. It is also no coincidence that it is a battlefield in which anti-Western Islamists trained in international jihad in Saudi Arabian-funded madrassas are competing against the secular Anglophone elite. It is central to the "war on terror". Its stability and safety, or its lack, has potentially global implications.
For the British, Pakistan exerts an enduring fascination based on the catastrophic role of the Raj in its bloody 1947 birth and the continuation of close ethnic and cultural ties. For the Americans, self-proclaimed heirs of the Empire, Pakistan plays a dual role as an indispensable ally and duplicitous villain in their endless Afghan drama. For many in India, Islamabad is the nuclear-armed bogeyman next door. For expansionist China, Pakistan is a key link in its grandiose trading business, which relies on Beijing's credit, investment and goodwill.
How the untested Khan, who has no regulatory experience, approaches these complex issues and historical burdens becomes open to questions. It is clear that he has radically changed since his hellish Westend days. With his party Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), which in 1996 meant the "Movement for Justice," a just-serious Khan, now 65 years old, made God's will and anti-corruption one of his prime goals in life.
Pakistan is a country where politics is a loot and loot, "Khan wrote in his memoir Pakistan: A Personal History . He said his new party would seek" exploitation. "
Khan advocated conservative religious attitudes, favored Sharia law and radically radical anti-blasphemy laws, and criticized US drone strikes Nicknamed "Taliban Khan." And he rediscovered his family's Afghan roots and the Pashtun tribal identity, coincidentally or not, this gained him support among conservatives.
Similarly, to promote populist opinion, Khan turned against Pakistani Western-educated rulers Class, despite graduating from Oxford University, Colonialism sustained damage on the subcontinent he wrought, by destroying self-esteem. "The inferiority complex rooted in a conquered nation causes it to mimic some of the worst aspects of the conqueror, while neglecting its own great traditions."
Twenty years spent climbing Disraeli's greasy poles may have somewhat relieved Khan, but not quite. Observers say he remains a passionate, wavering man with authoritarian instincts
But the conciliatory tone of the victory speech on Thursday, in which he called for national unity, surprised and lightened critics. Khan said he would seek better relations with India and Afghanistan, where a nascent peace process is taking place.
He even offered to investigate allegations of opposition to election manipulation. Although the dispute over the "stolen" elections continues to rumble – smaller parties say they plan street protests – Khan's offer seems to be taking its sting. The main opposition, the PMLN, has dropped its threat to boycott the parliament and accepted a defeat. An editorial in Dawn newspaper, headline "Time to move on," Khan explained, and the PTI had shown "genuine national political appeal." For this reason it was said: "He should be given the political latitude to turn his ideas into reality."
Whether Khan can do this while maintaining a calm, consistent approach is now the biggest issue in Pakistan politics. Two immediate problems are emerging. One is how to prevent the economy from imploding under rising debt and devaluation pressures. The other is how the new government can escape the embrace of the overpowering military who will expect a payback for their "aid" campaign.
Pakistan's generals are accustomed to exercising sole control over foreign and security policy. It can be a career or even life-ending experience to challenge. If, for example, Khan wants to break with the US, make friends with India or talk to terrorists, he should pay more attention to his back. Whatever the popular story about democracy reduction says, the hidden hand on the new prime minister's shoulder is real. It will be hard to shake off.