The game of pacts


After the election round

The noble art of the agreements has resulted in a kind of game as if the politicians were in charge of the video game console. I conquer Madrid and I change it for Navarra. I give you Aragn and you give me Castilla y Len. The map is chaos.


The Spaniards have voted twice in a month and the mandate of the polls can not be clearer. They have not given anyone an absolute majority in the central government, and almost nobody in communities and municipalities. They want and demand pacts to govern the institutions. After several weeks since the two elections, it seems that the Spanish parties – because they are more specific, their national, regional and local leaders – have certain difficulties in understanding the message. Perhaps it is the lack of custom, but citizens have the feeling that the parties do not know-or disguise it well-the procedure for agreement. Which is not nothing special either. It basically consists of using the calculator, checking which is the most in each institution, sitting around a table with the chosen partners that can add that majority, putting the program of each one on the table and talking during the hours and days. what is needed to agree on a resulting government program. It is also necessary to talk about the people who will occupy the positions. What some in the past called "armchairs" in a derogatory way. It seems simple, but here it is not. The noble political art of the pacts has resulted in a kind of game, as if the politicians were in charge of the Play. I conquerMadridand I'll change it for youNavarre. I give youAragnand you give meCastilla and Len.

With the exception of some places, the institutional map ofSpainIt's legs up. A chaos that was predictable with the electoral calendar set by the acting president, Pedro Sanchez.

It reigns how much the partner can be weakened so that it is easier to take a cut

The Spanish game of pacts, at the moment, consists of pressing, shocking, pushing, squeezing, compressing, intimidating, threatening and even disarming and humiliating the main or secondary partner to see if he surrenders. The two clearest examples. Citizens discard to Vox and the PSOE ningunea to We can. In spite of needing them to govern. The prevailing thesis is that the more you can weaken the partner, the easier it is to get the best slice of the peculiar negotiation. The aggressive inertia of a four-year permanent electoral campaign continues to weigh at the time of agreement.

Beginning with the Government of the Nation. More than a month after the generals, the winner, Pedro Snchez, has been commissioned to form a government without so far having taken a significant step to be invested by the majority of the Chamber. Among the many innovations that Pedro Snchez has introduced into Spanish politics, the inauguration of a new interpretation of Article 99 of theConstitution. After Rajoy made him jump straight through the air rejecting the King's mandate. From 1978 until the endowments of Sanchez, the candidates for presidents of the Government always went toThe Zarzuelawith the votes of the majority already insured. The round of consultations was held precisely for the King to ask the leaders of the parties the meaning of their vote in order to verify that, indeed, there was a candidate with the possibility of being sworn in as president. I charged him, and in peace. After Sanchez, it's the reverse. First he receives the mandate and then – with that safe conduct in hand – he starts negotiating to have the votes. The round turns into a colorful parade through Zarzuela to see the King and chat with him for a while. In a gentlemanly, responsible and resigned way, Don Felipe has accepted this innovation of the constitutional uses.

The two clearest examples: Citizens discard Vox while the PSOE no ning a We can

However, with mandate and all, Pedro Snchez -or president, or president, because there is no other- has decided that he is in no hurry to be elected, and has called his own round of consultations with Iglesias, Casado and Rivera. Unless the socialist leader has some information that is hidden from the rest – a blow to Rivera's head or a sudden drop of Casado's horse that will lead them to abstain from his government – Sanchez has no other way to invest than negotiate with Unidas Podemos, the PNV and scratch some abstentions of minority groups. But first he wants to make Pablo Iglesias suffer a bit. He resented the commitment of the leader of Podemos to demand a coalition government that Sanchez does not want or tied. The easiest way to tell Iglesias not to grant the coalition will be to call you by phone or quote him somewhere to explain it face to face. The president, however, has opted for hints. He has Churches to bread and salt contacts, while jealousy receiving all the leaders, and not just him.

In this game of pacts, the one who takes the palm and the needle of dizzy is Albert Rivera. In many important institutions – such as the City Council and theMadrid's community– PP and Citizens have announced their intention to agree to govern. The downside is that-calculator in hand-they need Vox's votes. But Ciudadanos refuses to meet with Vox. He wants your total free support. And Santiago Abascal refuses to be humiliated and treated as if he had the plague. The Vox leader has said he prefers to be theharakiripolitician to do Rivera. Which seems very reasoned. The votes must be negotiated and the votes of the others can not be disposed of by good. A truism anywhere else on the democratic planet that is not the fast-paced and accelerated world of Albert Rivera.

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(tagsToTranslate) Spain (t) politics – elections (t) Vox (t) Government (t) Sánchez (t) Pedro Sánchez (t) Citizens (t) Albert Rivera (t) We can (t) United We can (t) PP (t) PSOE (t) Pablo Iglesias (t) PNV (t) Navarra (t) Mariano Rajoy (t) Madrid (t) Spain (t) Castilla y León (t) Aragón (t) vote (t) leader (t) ) Santiago Abascal Conde


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