Southeast Asia and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: Edging Closer in an Era of Geopolitical Churn

by Chief Editor

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation: A Rising Force in a Multipolar World

The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), initially formed as the Shanghai Five in 1996, is evolving from a regional security pact into a significant player on the global stage. As it approaches its 30th anniversary in 2026, the SCO’s expanding membership and broadened mandate are reshaping geopolitical dynamics, particularly for Southeast Asian nations.

From Central Asia to Global Ambitions

Founded by China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, and Tajikistan, the SCO’s early focus was on addressing border security and combating transnational threats – separatism, terrorism, and extremism. The addition of Uzbekistan in 2001 solidified its presence in Central Asia. Although, the 21st century has witnessed a dramatic expansion, with India, Pakistan, Iran, and Belarus joining the ranks, transforming the SCO into the world’s largest regional organisation in terms of geographic scope and population.

Southeast Asia’s Cautious Engagement

Southeast Asia’s relationship with the SCO has been gradual. Initially, the organisation’s geographical focus on Central Asia didn’t align with the priorities of ASEAN member states. Formal institutional linkages only began in 2005, and dialogue partnership opportunities weren’t available until 2008. As of early 2026, only Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos have grow dialogue partners, with Laos joining most recently.

The Allure of an Alternative Order

The SCO’s growing appeal stems from several factors. Intensifying major power rivalry, coupled with dissatisfaction with the existing international order, has prompted some Southeast Asian countries to explore alternative partnerships. The SCO, championed by China and Russia, presents itself as a counterweight to Western influence and a platform for promoting a multipolar world.

At the September 2025 SCO summit in Tianjin, China’s President Xi Jinping unveiled the Global Governance Initiative (GGI), advocating for sovereign equality, international rule of law, and multilateralism. This initiative resonated with nations seeking a more balanced global system.

Differing Approaches Within ASEAN

Engagement with the SCO varies significantly across Southeast Asia. Cambodia, under former Prime Minister Hun Sen, actively sought closer ties with China and viewed the SCO as a means to attract trade and investment. His successor, Hun Manet, has continued this approach. Myanmar, facing international isolation following the 2021 military coup, has found a lifeline in the SCO, with China offering diplomatic and economic support.

Indonesia, under President Prabowo Subianto, has demonstrated a proactive foreign policy, including joining BRICS. While not yet an SCO partner, its commitment to the Global South agenda suggests potential future engagement. Malaysia, while prioritizing ASEAN, has expressed openness to exploring other multilateral forums. Vietnam, pursuing a “bamboo diplomacy” strategy, cautiously balances its relations with major powers, including participation in BRICS.

Challenges and Limitations

Despite its growing influence, the SCO faces inherent challenges. Institutional weaknesses, disparate interests among member states (such as the rivalry between India and Pakistan), and a perceived anti-Western bias hinder deeper integration. The SCO’s limited financial resources and bureaucratic inefficiencies also pose obstacles.

ASEAN’s commitment to its own centrality in the Indo-Pacific region and reluctance to dilute its influence may limit the extent of its engagement with the SCO. The SCO’s official languages, Russian and Chinese, also present communication barriers for some ASEAN members.

The Future of SCO-Southeast Asia Relations

While a full-scale embrace of the SCO by Southeast Asia is unlikely, continued engagement is probable. The SCO offers potential economic benefits, a platform for advocating for the Global South, and a hedging option against geopolitical uncertainties. However, ASEAN will likely maintain its focus on regional cooperation and prioritize its existing partnerships.

Did you know? The SCO’s combined nominal GDP accounts for around 23% of the world’s total, while its GDP based on purchasing power parity comprises approximately 36%.

FAQ

Q: What is the primary goal of the SCO?
A: The SCO aims to promote cooperation and peace among its member states, focusing on political, economic, security, and counter-terrorism efforts.

Q: Which Southeast Asian countries are currently SCO dialogue partners?
A: Cambodia, Myanmar, and Laos are the current SCO dialogue partners from Southeast Asia.

Q: Is ASEAN likely to join the SCO?
A: While closer engagement is possible, ASEAN is likely to prioritize its own regional framework and existing partnerships.

Q: What is the Shanghai Spirit?
A: The “Shanghai Spirit” refers to the principles of mutual trust, benefit, equality, and cooperation that underpin the SCO’s activities.

Pro Tip: Retain an eye on Myanmar’s trajectory within the SCO. Its deepening ties with China and Russia could signal a broader shift in regional dynamics.

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