In a significant shift for local governance in the Netherlands, recent municipal elections held in March saw 504 women secure seats on city councils through direct preference votes, according to data released by the foundation Stem op een Vrouw. The figure marks a notable increase from the 2022 cycle, where 459 women managed to bypass their initial list positions to win office based on individual voter support.
The numbers underscore a growing tendency among the electorate to prioritize gender representation, even when party lists suggest otherwise. In total, 44.4 percent of all voters cast a preference vote for a female candidate. This behavior is particularly striking given that women comprised only 32 percent of the total candidate pool across the participating municipalities.
While the headline figure focuses on women, the data reveals a nuanced picture of voter intent across the board. Men also secured seats via preference votes, totaling 440 across the country. However, the fact that fewer men were elected through this mechanism than women—despite men dominating the candidate lists—suggests a deliberate corrective action by the voting public. Voters appear to be using preference votes not just to confirm party choices, but to reshape the composition of their local councils.
The impact of these votes varies significantly by region. Out of 340 municipal councils, 237 saw at least one woman elected solely through preference votes. In 43 of those municipalities, the resulting council is composed of approximately 50 percent women, signaling near-parity in local decision-making bodies. Yet, the distribution remains uneven. The council of Heemstede recorded the highest relative representation, with 13 out of 21 seats held by women. At the other end of the spectrum, Montfoort’s new council includes only one woman among 14 men.
For observers of electoral systems, the Dutch model offers a case study in how voter agency can influence diversity outcomes without mandated quotas. The foundation Stem op een Vrouw, which advocates for increased female participation in politics, tracked these figures to highlight the power of the preference vote. The increase from 459 women elected via this method in 2022 to 504 in the recent cycle indicates a sustained momentum rather than a one-off anomaly.
The disparity between candidate availability and election outcomes points to a supply-side challenge. While voters are demonstrably willing to support female candidates, the pool of women running for office remains less than half that of men. Until candidate recruitment matches voter demand, preference votes will remain a critical, albeit corrective, tool for balancing representation.
What does a preference vote actually change?
It allows a voter to select a specific person within a party list. If that person gets enough votes, they move to the top of the pile for seat allocation, potentially skipping over candidates who were ranked higher by the party organization.

How does this compare to the 2022 results?
The recent March elections saw an increase in women elected via preference votes, rising from 459 in 2022 to 504. This suggests a growing willingness among the electorate to use this mechanism to support female candidates.
Why is there such a difference between Heemstede and Montfoort?
Local political cultures and candidate pools vary widely. Heemstede achieved near parity with 13 out of 21 seats held by women, while Montfoort elected only one woman. These disparities highlight that national trends do not always translate uniformly to every municipality.
As local governments begin their new terms, the composition of these councils will shape policy priorities on housing, education, and community services for the next four years. The data suggests that while progress is being made, the path to consistent representation remains dependent on active voter intervention.
Do you think preference voting could be a viable model for improving representation in other democratic systems?



