Marking a Shift: A Year into Javier Milei‘s Government, Argentina‘s Foreign Policy Reflects Domestic Political Battles
One year into Javier Milei’s tenure as Argentina’s president, the country’s foreign policy is echoing the nation’s political dynamics. A notable trend is the replacement of diplomats once closely aligned with the PRO party, including those previously leading what the current administration now terms the "cultural battle." Simultaneously, figures from the Kirchnerist camp are resurging in key positions within the Ministry of Foreign Relations.
This subtle reshuffling extends from central ministries to international organizations, with former Kirchnerist diplomats and officials securing roles backed by Milei’s administration. One prominent example is Luis María Kreckler, a seasoned diplomat accustomed to working with Peronist and Kirchnerist governments, who recently joined Gerardo Werthein’s team as vice-minister of economic affairs. Kreckler’s appointment also brought along a mini-Kirchnerist cabinet, despite the ongoing rebuild of the ministry’s structure.
Kreckler’s path to Buenos Aires mirrors Argentina’s political intricacies. After serving as Argentina’s ambassador to China, he found himself sidelined under Macri’s administration. However, with Kirchnerist support, Kreckler secured a consular role in São Paulo. Karina Milei, the president’s sister and current Secretary-General of the Presidency, sought him out during the crisis sparked by Diana Mondino’s dismissal, ultimately convincing Kreckler to return to Buenos Aires.
Once back in the capital, Kreckler found himself at the center of Werthein’s effort to reclaim order after Mondino’s departure. Despite Milei’s initial stance against career diplomats, Kreckler’s appointment has sparked intrigue. He chose Carlos Cherniak, another career diplomat disgruntled with the PRO, as his chief of staff. Cherniak, who previously headed Argentina’s representation at the FAO, accompanied Fabiola Yáñez, Argentina’s former first lady, during her international visits.
Kreckler’s team also includes Ana Tito, a diplomat aligned with the Kirchnerist faction, who brings her experience in groups focused on women’s rights and human rights. Her appointment, alongside others, signals a shift in certain foreign policy aspects, albeit one that might not immediately garner Milei’s attention.
Meanwhile, diplomats from the PRO era, once renowned for their resistance against Kirchnerism and pro-Western policies, now face scrutiny. Accused of being communist, feminist, and globalist, some find themselves on a metaphorical blacklist. In a curious turn of events, diplomats who held significant roles during Kirchnerist administrations now occupy crucial positions under Milei, including in Washington, the UN, and New York.
While the Ministry works to resolve inherited challenges, such as the controversial ideological investigation into diplomats’ vote to lift the Cuban embargo, it also grapples with budget cuts and structural changes. The Government aims to streamline the ministry but faces resistance from diplomats seeking fairness in salary deductions and retroactive payments.
In a separate development, several Kirchnerist ex-officials have secured high-paying jobs in international organizations, further USD150 bloating Argentina’s foreign policy landscape. Cecilia Nahón, a former ambassador to the US under Kirchner, now serves as a senior consultant at the IDB. Similarly, Adrián Nador, Marcelo Barg, and Nicolás Raigorodsky, all with Kirchnerist ties, hold influential roles in multilateral institutions.
As Argentina’s domestic political landscape evolves, so too does its foreign policy. With Milei’s administration completing its first year, observers await further shifts in the country’s diplomatic front, signaling a paradigm whose emergence predated his presidency and seems set to outlast it.